The Lula Government dimmed the lights of 2009 with the announcement of one more authoritarian document in reference to the indigenous peoples in Brazil. Decree 7056/2009, which determined the restructuring of the National Foundation of Indigenous Affairs (FUNAI), was signed on 28 December marked by the absolute non-existence of indigenous participation in its formulation. An act that, by itself, profoundly disrespected the indigenous peoples and standing legislation and that, in it constitutes one more attempt to disarticulate the indigenous and indigenist movement in the country.

 

By not having open and prior face-to-face democratic debate on the theme, the government empowered and gave legitimacy to reaction on the part of the indigenous peoples who have mobilized, in Brasilia and in other regions of the country, for the purpose of demonstrating discontent and opposition regarding the preparatory process and to the decree itself that directly affects their lives.

 

Faced with this reaction, not having the due courage of publicly assuming the option taken in indigenous non-participation in the preparation process of the decree, the government, in releasing the information, by means of various sources, according to which the referred to restructuring would have been debated in meetings of the National Commission of Indigenous Policy (CNPI), is seeking to distribute responsibility for its monocratic act with the indigenous representatives and indigenist participants of that Commission. In addition to this, members of the government, some of these previously identified as defenders of the indigenous and popular cause in the country, have demonstrated great effort and insistence in proposing meetings for “negotiation” in separation of the different indigenous delegations that have been protesting in Brasilia. By means of these two initiatives, the government is fomenting distrust among the leaders and organizations and attempting to promote a veiled and ominous strategy of division of the indigenous and indigenist movement in Brazil.

 

Unfortunately, this does not constitute an isolated fact in recent years. To the contrary, this is inserted in a history of process marked by great and recurrent disservices imposed by the current government on the indigenous peoples of the country. Many of these instances are emblematic and contribute to corroboration of this statement. We cite some of these below by way of exemplification.

 

In October of 2007, the Ministry of Health issued directive 2656 that dealt with “responsibilities in provision of health care for the indigenous peoples”. Because there had not been due process of consultation and information to the indigenous peoples, the directive generated a series of questions that later culminated in the suspension of its effects, including as indicated by the Federal Prosecutor (Ministério Público Federal).

 

On May 27, 2009, decree 6861 was issued that “Disposes over Indigenous Education, defines its organization in ethno-educational territories and other provisions”. Yet today the fact is not understood that this decree has been signed without the indigenous peoples being permitted to express opinion on the theory of the same, as during the same period referred to, the Regional Conferences on Indigenous Education were being conducted, which culminated in the National Conference on Indigenous Education, in November of the same year. The fact that the government had decreed the creation of the “ethno-educational territories” prior to any deliberation by the National Conference trampled the process and generated a series of misunderstandings between the delegates of the same. Also on that occasion the governmental representatives adopted a strategy of “negotiation” separately with different delegations for the purpose of dividing the participants in the desperate search for legitimating, a posteriori, of the previously established authoritarian act.

 

Further in this scenario, we cannot fail to mention the fact of the government having imposed “down the throat” the transposition of the rio São Francisco. This was done including, by use of force, of ostensive presence of the Army on the perimeters of the work, with the purpose of intimidating and “to stifle” any new attempts to demonstrate opposition by popular movements and by the indigenous peoples, who had their lands directly impacted by this project of the Program of Acceleration of Growth (PAC).

 

Finally, it is made necessary to remember the lamentable episode in which president Lula himself, in improvised discourse, referred to the indigenous peoples as “obstacles” to development of the nation and with this, instead of combating, ended up further contributing to existing prejudice by a large portion of Brazilian society in relation to these peoples. As we know, this prejudice, besides being in and of itself a form of violence, is cause of many other forms of violence committed on a daily basis against indigenous peoples in Brazil.

 

It is understood that indigenous peoples and their leaders as well as indigenous organizations and support entities must be constantly attentive to these demobilizing and dismantling movements put into practice by the current government, as in past examples. This is made even more necessary in the present context and in an election year. We are all aware of the interests of the economic sectors, traditional donors to electoral campaigns, over the natural resources that exist in the lands of the indigenous peoples in our country. All that the government wants at the moment is to split up the indigenous and indigenist movement. That is because, in this manner, their disservice to the indigenous peoples can be imposed with greater frequency and less resistance. The mega-hydrelectric of Belo Monte is in line, threatening the indigenous peoples in the area. What will be next? The exploitation of minerals in indigenous lands?

 

Brasilia, 21 January of 2010

 

Cleber C. Buzatto

Vice-Secretary General of CIMI (Indigenist Missionary Council)